Everything about National Guard Nicaragua totally explained
In
Nicaragua, the
National Guard (otherwise known as ) was a
militia created during the
occupation of that country by the
United States. It became notorious for
human rights abuses and
corruption under the regime of the
Somoza family.
Creation
Prior to the U.S. occupation, the long period of civil strife had encouraged the development of a variety of private armies. The freshly-elected government of President
Carlos José Solórzano requested that the
U.S. Marines (equally interested in central control) remain in Nicaragua until an indigenous security force could be trained; the Nicaraguan government hired a retired US General to set up the
Guardia Nacional de Nicaragua. US forces left in 1925, but after a brief resurgence of violence, returned in 1926, taking over command of the National Guard until 1933, when it was returned to Nicaraguan control under the government of
Juan Bautista Sacasa.
Sacasa, under political pressure from
José María Moncada, who had been a leader of a rebel faction which later joined the government after U.S. mediation efforts, appointed
Anastasio Somoza García as chief director of the National Guard. Somoza Garcia was trusted as a friend of Moncada, a supporter of the liberal revolt, and a nephew of Sacasa. He was trusted by the U.S. from his service as a translator to
Henry Stimson during the 1927 peace conference, schooling in the U.S., and training under the U.S. Marines (apparently, as an officer in the National Guard).
After the departure of U.S. troops in 1933 (at the depth of the
Great Depression), the Sacasa government opened negotiations with the rebel faction of
Augusto César Sandino. Sandino insisted on the dissolution of the National Guard, leading Somoza Garcia to react ruthlessly by arresting and executing Sandino, in violation of a safe passage agreement Sacasa had given the rebel leader. The National Guard then swiftly defeated Sandino's forces, further weakening the Sacasa government. By this time the force had grown to some 3000 troops.
After using the influence of the National Guard to support Sacasa's re-election in 1936, Somoza Garcia flouted civilian power, installing military cronies in key civilian posts and forcing Sacasa to resign that June. With an ally appointed interim president, Somoza Garcia then resigned from the National Guard position of chief director in order to meet constitutional requirements to run for the presidency himself. Breaking with the party, he established the
Partido Liberal Nacionalista (PLN, National Liberal Party) and won the election with a remarkable 107,201 votes to 108. On January 1, 1937, President Somoza Garcia reappointed himself chief director of the National Guard, beginning a military dictatorship that would last four decades.
During the 70's the National Guard was the most powerful fighting machine in Central America. The Nicaragua Military Academy became the best Academy in the Americas with exception to the U.S west point. It is important to note that the National Guard hadn't only defeated the Sandinistas in every open battle, but also mentally as dozens of Communist would flee just by hearing the famous line..." Ahi viene la Guardia"(there comes the Guard).
Somoza regime
Somoza Garcia rapidly took complete control of Nicaraguan institutions including the National Guard, promoting allies and purging enemies. The National Guard was the backbone of a growing network of control, eventually including telecommunications, railroads, and key civilian agencies from customs to hospitals to tax collection. In 1938, Somoza Garcia appointed a civilian assembly that rubber-stamped constitutional changes allowing him to stay in office; his personal fortune expanded as he and his family took over key areas of the private economy. Increasingly pervasive corruption comparable to a gangland mob, with bribery, kickbacks, and sometimes violent enforcement, protected the power of the Somoza family at all levels. The U.S. supported the National Guard through the World War II
Lend-Lease act and under the terms of the
Rio Treaty, but didn't publicly approve of Somoza Garcia's extraconstitutional governance. The National Guard, which had been limited to small arms and was largely composed of rifle companies, began to acquire surplus equipment such as tanks and artillery.
The regime permitted nominal political dissent, and, in 1947, agreed to elections, hoping to mollify both
United States and local opponents, but quickly deposed the winning candidate in a
coup d'etat that brought strong disapproval from the United States. Under a new constitution, an assembly-appointed president, and a strong anti-communist stance relations improved. Nevertheless Somoza Garcia was the power behind the curtain and an increasing target of attempted coups and assassination; he even developed a personal bodyguard separate from the National Guard. In 1956, Somoza Garcia was fatally shot by a young dissident poet.
Succeeded in the presidency by one son,
Luis Somoza Debayle, he was succeeded as head of the National Guard by another,
Anastasio Somoza Debayle, a graduate of the
United States Military Academy at
West Point. Brutal repression of political opposition followed. In 1957, the National Guard was involved in the only external military action of its existence, a brief border skirmish with
Honduras. The National Guard cooperated with the U.S.
Central Intelligence Agency in the
Bay of Pigs attempted invasion of Cuba, permitting its bases to be used for training and staging areas. In 1965, the National Guard participated in a
peacekeeping operation in the
Dominican Republic under the aegis of the
OAS.
Even as trusted friends of the family succeeded Luis in the presidency, his brother remained firmly in control of the National Guard. Eventually, in 1967, Anastasio himself was elected president; Luis soon died of a heart attack, leaving Anastasio in sole control. Without his brother's technocratic influence, Anastasio's corrupt ways were unrestrained. The 1972 earthquake, which severely damaged the capital of
Managua, brought further evidence of corruption, as members of the National Guard openly looted damaged businesses and misappropriated international aid, and Somoza Debayle's personal wealth soared during the reconstruction period. In 1974, the growing
Sandinista movement FSLN (named after the assassinated Sandino) succeeded in forcing the government to accept an amnesty, after which Somoza Debayle declared a state of siege and the National Guard launched a violent and repressive reaction. Though the FSLN was weakened, so was the regime.
Collapse
After the election of
Jimmy Carter in the United States, human rights objections left the Somoza Debayle government with its longstanding support from the U.S. severely diminished (direct military aid would end in 1978). It should be noted however, that the Carter Administration had been in contact with President Somoza, and had in fact received a congratulatory note from President Carter after an OAS (Organization of American States) team had travelled to Nicaragua and found no violations. After the assassination of opposition leader
Pedro Chamorro, the public reacted with a series of nationwide strikes and increasing political organization against the regime. The National Guard grew to a force of more than 10,000, with localized security companies throughout the country and modern specialized units such as mechanized and engineer battalions, a Presidential Guard, and a reinforced tactical battalion. The strengthened National Guard continued to tighten its grip but opposition only grew broader and fiercer. A humiliating hostage crisis ensued with Sandinista rebels taking over the National Assembly. The hostage crisis was the second terrorist assault launched by the Sandinistas. The first was December 18, 1974, when Sandinista terrorists assaulted a Christmas party at the house of Jose Maria "Chema" Castillo, a close friend of President Somoza. The party was meant to also be a farewell party for U.S. Ambassador Turner B. Shelton, and was to be attended by both Ambassador Shelton and President Somoza. Due to previous engagements, neither would attend. Castillo would be murdered by the Sandinistas as a result of their attack, and 44 others, including foreign dignitaries, would be taken hostage at the home of Castillo (Cox, Somoza.
Nicaragua Betrayed. Western Islands, 1980.)
It is important to note however that the actual killers of Chamorro were never found nor ever confirmed to be members of the National Guard, although it's probable that those responsible were working for the Somoza government in some capacity.
In 1979, now facing an open civil war and but never losing territory, as well as being cut-off from all aid by the United States, including blocking of a shipment of weapons and ammunition coming from Israel, the National Guard was out of supplies and could no longer fight against the rebels. At this point, Somoza Debayle fled the country, yet members of the National Guard stayed to fight until the end. It is important to note that the remaining members of the National Guard were murdered by the Joint effort of the Sandinistas and the Red cross. Injured Guardsmen seeking shelter were deceived into turning themselves in only to be "disappeared". First flying to
Miami, Somoza would be denied permission to stay in the United States, in direct contradiction of the agreement he'd reached with American Ambassador Pezullo; he'd later be assassinated in
Paraguay. The Sandinista junta replaced the Guardia Nacional with two new bodies, the
Ejército Popular Sandinista (EPS,
Sandinista Popular Army) and the
Policía Sandinista (Sandinista Police). Eventually, alumni of the National Guard would be reconstituted, with the support of the CIA and Honduras, as the
contra rebels.
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